The above graphic is from the article in Mother Jones. It shows the mass shootings for the past 30
years, and the number of fatalities and injuries in each of them. 2012 has been a record-smashing year in this
regard. This journalist covered 30 mass
shootings in the US
in the past 30 years (total was 62), and in 2012 there were 7 mass shootings –
way above the yearly average. Keep in
mind that to be called a “mass shooting” at least four people have to be killed
and it has to happen in a public place.
So, home shootings and the recent shootings on rural roads of Pennsylvania (which only
killed three) do not count.
And not a single one of these mass shootings were stopped by a regular citizen who had a gun. In the Tucson mass shooting, a citizen with a gun nearly shot at an innocent person – who had taken Jared Loughner’s gun away.
And not a single one of these mass shootings were stopped by a regular citizen who had a gun. In the Tucson mass shooting, a citizen with a gun nearly shot at an innocent person – who had taken Jared Loughner’s gun away.
A closer look reveals that their case for arming Americans against mass shooters is nothing more than a cynical ideological talking point—one dressed up in appeals to heroism and the defense of constitutional freedom, and wholly reliant on misdirection and half truths. If only Sandy Hook's principal had been packing heat, the argument goes, she could've stopped the mass killer. There's just one little problem with this: Not a single one of the 62 mass shootings we studied in our investigation has been stopped this way—even as the nation has been flooded with millions of additional firearms and a barrage of recent laws has made it easier than ever for ordinary citizens to carry them in public places, including bars, parks, and schools.
While the above article calls this a “myth” I believe what the NRA chief is
peddling is LIES, FLAT OUT LIES.
And the NRA knows they are lies. That is why they lobbied-up and shut down any research by the NIH or CDC on gun violence and gun injuries and gun deaths. They don’t want the facts to interfere with their lies. Here are some facts about gun research and guns in America (done before the research was shut down).
And the NRA knows they are lies. That is why they lobbied-up and shut down any research by the NIH or CDC on gun violence and gun injuries and gun deaths. They don’t want the facts to interfere with their lies. Here are some facts about gun research and guns in America (done before the research was shut down).
The
nation might be in a better position to act if medical and public health
researchers had continued to study these issues as diligently as some of us did
between 1985 and 1997. But in 1996, pro-gun members of Congress mounted an
all-out effort to eliminate the National
Center for Injury
Prevention and Control at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).
Although they failed to defund the center, the House of Representatives removed
$2.6 million from the CDC's budget—precisely the amount the agency had spent on
firearm injury research the previous year. Funding was restored in joint
conference committee, but the money was earmarked for traumatic brain injury.
The effect was sharply reduced support for firearm injury research.
RESULTS: After adjustment, individuals in possession of a
gun were 4.46 (P < .05) times more likely to be shot in an assault than
those not in possession. Among gun assaults where the victim had at least some
chance to resist, this adjusted odds ratio increased to 5.45 (P < .05).
CONCLUSIONS: On average, guns did not protect those who
possessed them from being shot in an assault. Although successful defensive gun
uses occur each year, the probability of success may be low for civilian gun
users in urban areas. Such users should reconsider their possession of guns or,
at least, understand that regular possession necessitates careful safety
countermeasures.
RESULTS:
The adjusted relative risk of suicide was 1.9 (95% confidence interval [CI] =
1.4, 2.5) for persons with a history of family handgun purchase from a
registered dealer. The adjusted relative risk for homicide, given a history of
family handgun purchase, was 2.2 (95% CI = 1.3, 3.7). For both suicide and
homicide, the elevated relative risks persisted for more than 5 years after the
purchase.
CONCLUSIONS: Legal purchase of a handgun appears to be associated with a long-lasting increased risk of violent death.
CONCLUSIONS: Legal purchase of a handgun appears to be associated with a long-lasting increased risk of violent death.
RESULTS: During the study period, 1860 homicides
occurred in the three counties, 444 of them (23.9 percent) in the home of the
victim. After excluding 24 cases for various reasons, we interviewed proxy
respondents for 93 percent of the victims. Controls were identified for 99
percent of these, yielding 388 matched pairs. As compared with the controls,
the victims more often lived alone or rented their residence. Also, case
households more commonly contained an illicit-drug user, a person with prior
arrests, or someone who had been hit or hurt in a fight in the home. After
controlling for these characteristics, we found that keeping a gun in the home
was strongly and independently associated with an increased risk of homicide
(adjusted odds ratio, 2.7; 95 percent confidence interval, 1.6 to 4.4).
Virtually all of this risk involved homicide by a family member or intimate
acquaintance.
CONCLUSIONS: The use of illicit drugs and a history of
physical fights in the home are important risk factors for homicide in the
home. Rather than confer protection, guns kept in the home are associated with
an increase in the risk of homicide by a family member or intimate
acquaintance.
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